Дайджест
31 Марта 2011 года

Glasnost Defence Foundation Digest No. 517

EVENT OF THE WEEK

Markelov-Baburova murder trial continues

 

RUSSIA

1. Sverdlovsk Region. Civil journalism gains momentum

2. Kaliningrad Region. Freelance reporter attacked on voting day

3. Republic of Bashkortostan. Newspaper office raided

4. Volgograd Region. Journalists barred from City Duma meetings

5. Perm Region. Radio station to defend in court on libel charges

 

UKRAINE

Legal proceedings started against ex-President Leonid Kuchma

 

BELARUS

Russian journalist arrested for “disorderly conduct”

 

GLASNOST DEFENCE FOUNDATION

Journalistic Mastery School sums up results in Saratov

 

OUR PUBLICATIONS

1. Critically-minded editor spends 4.5 months in prison on charges of “extremism”

2. Karelian authorities increase circulation of Karelian and Veps-language publications at expense of Finnish-language ones

 

OUR PARTNERS

2011 Andrei Sakharov Competition “Journalism as an Act of Conscience”

________________

 

EVENT OF THE WEEK

 

Markelov-Baburova murder trial continues

 

The Moscow City Court has continued hearings of the murder case of lawyer Stanislav Markelov and journalist Anastasia Baburova (see http://www.gdf.ru/digest/item/15/435#top ).

 

As became known on Monday, March 21, Ilya Goryachev, a witness for the prosecution, had recanted the testimony he had given to the investigators earlier. This was announced, specifically, by lawyer Aleksandr Vassilyev who defends Nikita Tikhonov, one the accused. Vassilyev said, though, that he could not present confirmed information to prove that. At the same time, Alexei Baranovsky, coordinator of the Russian Verdict Centre, said Goryachev had sent the court a message saying he had given his testimony under investigators’ pressure.

 

But lawyer Vladimir Zherebyonkov who represents the victims’ interests told the Russian Legal and Judicial Information Agency shortly afterward that Goryachev’s repudiation of testimony had not been confirmed and that the defence’s claims of the opposite were “a provocation”. Earlier, he had already warned that Goryachev might be under pressure to go back on what he had said before, Polit.ru reported.

 

Presenting evidence obtained in the course of investigation, Prosecutor Boris Loktionov announced the results of forensic studies that had discovered “micro-particles left by gunfire” on the overcoats of Nikita Tikhonov and Yevgenia Khasis, and read out experts’ conclusion that the coats confiscated from the accused were identical with those worn by the suspects on security camera recordings from the crime scene in Prechistenka Street at the time of the killing. Besides, the jurors were shown two forged passports and a journalist’s ID found during the search of Tikhonov’s apartment, together with a false beard and moustache and three female wigs.

 

The prosecutor read out excerpts from the notepads found in Tikhonov’s home, with details about firearms, primers, actuation times, and advice on how to establish illegal organisations, fire shots at a moving target, deceive the polygraph, escape from surveillance, strike to kill, etc.

 

But Tikhonov explained that he needed all that information to write “a big detective novel”.

 

At the following hearing on Wednesday, the prosecutor quoted from texts found on Tikhonov’s notebook PC seized during the search. But the accused said the PC belonged to Y. Khasis, not to him.

 

Those computer documents turned out to be of considerable interest, calling for “the liquidation of enemies, among them government servicemen and law enforcers”, and pointing to the need “for direct action – bold and resolute steps to liquidate occupants and traitors”. Achieving those goals would imply obtaining arms, learning to handle them, and understanding how and where to use explosives, the author said, stressing the need for “more severe punishment, including death”, for Russians “betraying national interests”.

 

Particular attention in the PC texts was given to lawyers contributing to the conviction of nationalists. The author identified them as “living targets”. “One must remember about the important role the lawyers play… We must target them – not so much to serve them out for the ill fate of our comrades as to intimidate their colleagues and prevent their appearance in court as defence lawyers for opponents of right-wing radicals,” Loktionov quoted a passage from one text found on the confiscated notebook PC.

 

Asked by the prosecutor if he knew Markelov personally, Tikhonov replied in the negative and failed to recognize the murdered lawyer on a photo stored on the same computer.

 

The next hearing is to be held on March 29.

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RUSSIA

 

1. Sverdlovsk Region. Civil journalism gains momentum

 

By Vladimir Golubev,

GDF staff correspondent in Urals Federal District

 

A Civil Journalism Centre has been established in Yekaterinburg for media workers, bloggers and all media community members.

 

As pointed out in an address by Sverdlovsk Journalists’ Union President Dmitry Polyanin, active bloggers in Yekaterinburg “are not only aware of their civil strength but also ready to take on the duties of professional journalists”. They have been spelling out their needs and claiming respect for their rights, Polyanin said, inviting them to join the Journalists’ Union and start building a new media community structure on the basis of the blogger pool, “from below”.

 

The bloggers’ manifesto defines civil journalism as “activeness – as a natural quality of contemporary man’s lifestyle – in the search for, and analysis and dissemination of, socially significant information. Being a natural quality, it is not much dependent on a person’s general erudition, professional skills or political outlook. Although an eternal phenomenon, today – at a time of intense IT development – civil journalism is making giant strides forward. Information sources have become more accessible, information dissemination has grown very simple, and demand for information has increased drastically. Civil journalism’s maturing is an objective process that can be neither ‘geared’ nor ‘halted’. Our goal is to give this process a major boost.”

 

The way the Centre organisers position themselves within the media community is innovative too. To quote the manifesto again, “A civil journalist is not merely a civil ‘reporter’. He performs also as an analyst, essayist, and interviewer. Actually, we needn’t be concerned about what his final product may be. But we are ready to help him gather material for analysis, write an essay, take an interview, or prepare a full-fledge photo report. We are proponents of the unrestricted, unlimited and unrewarded dissemination of information. Also, we can offer advice on how to defend against its unauthorised uses. We are looking for like-minded people, for those thinking it important that public opinion is shaped freely – but on the basis of facts and personal reflections and experiences, not fabrications or information ‘throw-ins’.”

 

Dmitry Polyanin, a fairly well known blogger himself, noted that traditional media workers would like to “privatise” the word “journalism”. “God forbid, brothers!” he said. “You wouldn’t start banning children’s soccer in the backyard, would you – even if they aren’t professionals and don’t earn millions as their elder colleagues do playing for famous clubs? And yet they play, and often play better than you do. Would anything change if the word ‘amateur’, not ‘civil’, journalism were written into the Centre’s name? Shame on you, professionals! And one more hint for you to reflect on: the worse the Russian media perform, the more popular Russia’s social networks become, where civil journalists post their reports free of charge.”

 

The Glasnost Defence Foundation will take part in the new Centre’s work to see what comes out of it. The initiative itself strikes us as interesting and useful.

 

 

2. Kaliningrad Region. Freelance reporter attacked on voting day

 

Igor Makeyev, a freelance reporter for several local and federal newspapers as well as the Golos Rossii radio station, was attacked in the village of Vasilkovo, Kaliningrad Region, on March 13.

 

He said he was on his way to the polling station at 8 a.m. when two sturdy young men got out of a car parked nearby to start beating him without saying a word. The journalist offered resistance and cried out for help, causing the attackers to run away. Makeyev reported the attack to the police, but the perpetrators were not found.

 

Nor had they been found after the previous attack on him which occurred in 2008, he said.

 

 

3. Republic of Bashkortostan. Newspaper office raided

 

Alvira Akbulatova, editor-in-chief of the newspaper Zianchurinskiye Zori based in the Zianchurinsky District of Bashkortostan, has told the Glasnost Defence Foundation she was summoned to the district police station for questioning on March 18. While she was out, a group of police officers with two eyewitnesses arrived at her newspaper’s office at 4:15 p.m. to lock themselves in the accounting room together with the accountants, refusing to let anyone in.

 

Finally, the editor persuaded them to open the door, where she found the visitors questioning staff workers G. Antonova and L. Isangildina and counting the pages in the financial reports for 2009-2010 which they intended to withdraw. “I demanded that they show a decision on the opening of criminal proceedings, a court ruling authorising them to conduct an investigation, and a prosecutor’s warrant on the withdrawal and seizure of documents; but they told me they would show all those papers afterward,” Akbulatova said.

 

The policemen also prohibited the staffers to take any photo pictures or use a video camera, she added. “When a correspondent began to photograph the proceedings, one of the officers threatened to hit her in the face.”

 

The editor sees the incident as a revenge attempt for a series of critical publications in the district newspaper.

 

 

4. Volgograd Region. Journalists barred from City Duma meetings

 

By Roman Zholud,

GDF staff correspondent in Central Federal District

 

Reporters for the independent newspaper Novoye Vremya based in the city of Mikhailovka, Volgograd Region, were barred from attending an open sitting of the City Duma on March 23. The journalists said the relevant orders came from Duma Chairman Anatoly Antontsev, who claimed that, in line with the charter, even open sittings can be attended only by accredited reporters.

 

Meanwhile, Russian legislation stipulates that lack of accreditation shall not be deemed a reason for not letting a journalist attend a government body’s open meeting. Article 47 of the Media Law says, “A journalist is entitled … to attend (meetings of) government bodies and organisations, enterprises, institutions and public associations, or press services thereof.” This means a non-accredited reporter’s rights must not be restricted the way they were in Mikhailovka.

 

In effective Russian legislation, the term “accreditation” denotes a regime facilitating a journalist’s exercise of his professional right to gather information in a particular government body, organisation, institution or public association. The fact of his accreditation must not be seen as a precondition for his exercising the information-gathering rights guaranteed under Articles 29 and 55 of the RF Constitution and Articles 1, 38, 47 and 58 of the RF Media Law.

 

And yet, non-accredited reporters are regularly ousted from Mikhailovka Duma sittings, journalists say. The Novoye Vremya editor has sent Duma Chaiman A. Antontsev an inquiry asking him to present a document explaining why the Duma meeting of March 23 was held behind closed doors.

 

The GDF will keep an eye on the development of the conflict in Mikhailovka.

 

 

5. Perm Region. Radio station to defend in court on libel charges

 

By Vassily Moseyev,

GDF staff correspondent in Volga Federal District

 

Kirov Region Governor Nikita Belykh has filed with the Sverdlovsky District court of Perm a legal claim against Nadezhda Agisheva, wife of regional Legislative Assembly deputy and businessman Andrei Agishev, and the radio station Ekho Permi which broadcast a February 2 report that the governor wants to be refuted, with RUR 500,000 paid to him in moral damage compensation.

 

Having begun his political and business career in Perm, N. Belykh never misses any public mention of his name in his home town.

 

After A. Agishev was arrested on charges of illegal entrepreneurship in early February, his wife made a comment for local media that linked his prosecution to the conflict among shareholders of the investment company Yermak of which the Agishev family is a co-owner. Speaking in an Ekho Permi news programme, she said, “He (Belykh) received part of the funds withdrawn from Yermak.” The local media have reported that the Kirov governor transferred RUR 240 m from Yermak to business companies rumoured to be under his control.

 

The claim is to be considered in mid-April. Oleg Russkikh, editor-in-chief of the Ekho Permi radio station, feels calm about the pending proceedings. “Conflicts around our reports are pretty frequent,” he said, adding that “unfortunately, they take a lot of time to settle.”

____________

 

UKRAINE

 

Legal proceedings started against ex-President Leonid Kuchma

 

Ukraine’s First Deputy Prosecutor General Renat Kuzmin announced March 22 that his office had instituted legal proceedings against former President Leonid Kuchma on charges of abuse of power through the issuance of unlawful instructions for the Interior Ministry to follow, which had led to the killing of journalist Georgy Gongadze. Kuchma was required to give a written pledge of not leaving town.

 

The proceedings were started based on evidence given by police ex-general Alexei Pukach within the framework of Gondadze’s murder investigation, said Valentin Nalivaichenko, former Ukrainian Security Service chief. “This theme came to the focus of attention after Gen. Pukach’s arrest last July and in view of the serious evidence he has been giving,” Nalivaichenko said.

 

He also expressed the hope that Pukach’s evidence will give rise to the opening of criminal proceedings also against other government officials who knew about the crime but kept silent.

 

Early on March 23, Kuchma, who is charged with complicity in Gongadze’s murder, came to the Prosecutor General’s Office for questioning, saying he is prepared “to go through hell to prove I’m not guilty”. Prior to that, however, he had refused to be confronted with Major Nikolai Melnichenko, a security service officer who had made public audio recordings allegedly exposing the ex-president. Later he agreed to such a confrontation, “should the prosecutor’s office continue insisting on it”.

 

Georgy Gongadze was killed in the autumn of 2000. His direct killers, three former police officers, were convicted several years ago.

 

[Based on Radio Liberty and Glavred.info reports]

______________

 

BELARUS

 

Russian journalist arrested for “disorderly conduct”

 

By Viktor Sadovsky,

GDF staff correspondent in Volga Federal District

 

The Orshansk city/district court of Belarus has sentenced Aleksandr Lashmankin, director of the Samara-based Svoboda news agency, to three days of administrative arrest for disorderly conduct. Allegedly, he swore at the Orshansk transport police officers who took him off the Chelyabinsk-Brest train on the night of March 24, claiming they had received information he was carrying amphetamine, a substance on the list of illicit drugs.

 

A. Lashmankin is known in Samara, including in the office of the regional human rights ombudsman, as a prominent human rights defender who would be unlikely to attempt as serious a breach of law as the one he is charged with, local analysts said.

 

In their view, the actual picture is as follows. Lashmankin went to Belarus to gather and publish material about the latest presidential elections in that country. He had been granted official accreditation with the Belarussian Interior Ministry. The phone call to which the transport policemen referred must have been, if any, from the White House in Samara, where some administration officials see Lashmankin as an “incendiary”. Another version is that security services in Samara keep the Belarussian KGB updated on persons labelled “crushers”. Unfortunately, neither version can be checked out today, since regional authorities have maintained virtually no dialogue with human rights defenders for quite a long time now.

 

Those in Samara who are appalled by their fellow-townsman’s maltreatment by Belarussian authorities are hoping the Russian Foreign Ministry represented by the RF Ambassador to the friendly republic will clear up the circumstances of Lashmankin’s detention and conviction and take steps to prevent this kind of incidents from occurring again.

 

Hopefully, undoing this injustice will be possible too, however much time and effort that might take.

____________

 

GLASNOST DEFENCE FOUNDATION

 

Journalistic Mastery School sums up results in Saratov

 

The 4th Journalistic Mastery School (JMS) summed up its results in Saratov on March 26. The programme, which lasted from November 15, 2010 to March 15, 2011, consisted of two parts – a school for investigative journalists and a school for bloggers. The first was successfully finished by 8 of a total of 12 selected applicants, and the second, by 15 people. Five attendees received graduation certificates from both schools at once. The best-performing students were awarded professional Dictaphones.

 

The summary conference lasted two days. On March 25 GDF President Alexei Simonov, the JMS director, delivered a lecture entitled “Twenty Years of Innovative Journalism”.

 

The graduation ceremony on March 26 involved all of the JMS faculty: A. Krutov, Y. Chernyshov, S. Pochechuyev and L. Zlatogorskaya, chair of the regional Journalists’ Union and head of the JSM Supervisory Board.

 

Graduates presented the director with a unique T-shirt featuring the Glasnost Defence Foundation’s symbol – a turtle crawling out of a basket, with the words “Joining the Marathon Toward Glasnost” below.

 

The participants heard a message of greetings from Robert Tinsley of the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ) that read as follows:

 

“Dear Saratov school graduates:

 

“Congratulations from all colleagues at the International Center for Journalists!

 

“You may remember our organisation is a GDF partner under the programme of schools for investigative journalists and bloggers.

 

“We hope you liked our programme and will find this experience useful in your future life. I have been told you successfully participated in individual work projects, so I would appreciate seeing copies of, or getting the links to your works if these are posted in the Internet.

 

“Ours is a non-profit, non-governmental organisation, or NGO. Our office is in Washington, D.C., and we have a staff of 30. You can learn more about ICFJ activities at www.icfj.org (in English). We have a website in Russian, too. We invite you to visit the International Journalists’ Network or IJNet in Russian at https://www.ijnet.org/ru . Hopefully, you will find the Russian-language version of that website useful. IJNet distributes information in 6 languages, including Russian.

 

“There is another website in Russian that may be of interest to professional journalists and civil journalists/bloggers – News University at http://www.newsu.org/ru/courses/intl . Be sure to visit it.

 

“Stay in touch. I hope you will keep me updated on your post-programme activities.

 

“Congratulating you once again,

 

“Best regards,

Robert Tinsley

btinsley@icfj.org

___________

 

OUR PUBLICATIONS

 

1. Critically-minded editor spends 4.5 months in prison on charges of “extremism”

 

By Irina Gundareva,

GDF staff correspondent in Urals Federal District

 

Valery Uskov, editor of a newspaper based in Zlatoust, Chelyabinsk Region, has spent four and a half months in a pre-trial detention facility on charges of extremism (Article 282.2 of the RF Criminal Code). Each time his detention term was extended, the judges said one and the same thing – if released, he might resume “criminal” activities (i.e. the publishing of his newspaper) and hinder the investigation process; so he must stay locked as a dangerous element.

 

They released Uskov only a short time ago, realising at long last that he is not dangerous, not prone to crime, is unlikely to try to escape, has had no prior criminal record, is loyal, and has a child to feed. A college of judges at the regional court in Chelyabinsk turned down the Investigative Committee’s protest, explaining that the sole justified decision in this situation would be not to keep him behind bars any longer.

 

Attempts to send the opposition editor to jail had been made before that, too, but each time linguistic experts had concluded his writings did not contain any open calls for extremism. The content of the disfavoured newspaper’s publications was limited to calls not to pay for low-quality communal services; stories reprinted from federal opposition newspapers; rumours about the Zlatoust “elite”; attempts to analyse migration flows; and criticism of poorly performing law enforcement agencies and unwise decisions passed by authorities, including by the city mayor in person. If this government-protecting schizophrenia keeps progressing, not a single critically-minded journalist will soon find himself guaranteed against a criminal case being trumped up against him overnight the way it was against the Zlatoust editor.

 

The criminal charges against Uskov were based on one expert conclusion, two witnesses’ testimony and claims about his belonging to a group of “unidentified persons suspected of forming a crime ring”. After repeated refusals by professional linguists to recognise Uskov as an incorrigible extremist, a decision was taken not to request their services anymore and to find a more agreeable “expert” instead. They did find one – less professional and with no prior experience of scanning texts for extremist statements, which fact he personally acknowledged in the preface, asking not to consider his findings an axiom. His opinion boiled down to the following: Uskov’s texts did contain “covert” calls for extremism. But if you come to think of it: calling not to pay slapdash communal service providers and not to believe a single word the mayor says, ironising about the local elite’s claims they have turned Zlatoust into a little Dream Town, or publishing the names of council deputies suddenly turned millionaires – are all those extremist actions indeed?

 

As regards the witnesses, they are elderly people, aged 60 and 74, respectively. One said that in Stalin’s times anyone behaving like Uskov would have been shot at the spot without trial. The other confessed she is blind and hadn’t read anything by Uskov, but said she approved of his imprisonment, generally.

 

Summing it up, a high-ranking official’s frown, an “expert conclusion” written by a non-professional, and testimony by two incompetent witnesses – was that enough to send a person to jail for four and a half months? Moreover, his case was not archived but a comprehensive psycho-linguistic study was ordered, the findings of which are long overdue but still unavailable…

 

The three “brilliant” elements on which Uskov’s case was based might have resulted in a convictive sentence for the editor if his lawyers hadn’t requested an opinion from a very respectable independent expert – Galina Ivanenko, Ph.D. (Philology), a specialist with an impressive record of assessment of texts in terms of extremist content. She knocked over her law enforcement-hired predecessor’s arguments like skittles. Specifically, she contended that “creating a negative image of authorities”, of which Uskov was accused, is actually “a natural and commonly accepted method of struggle employed by the opposition”, and explained that “authorities do not make up any social group” and that portraying them negatively “does not amount to calls for violence or signal an attempt to fan hatreds or strife”. One the whole, the previous study had been done in violation of all existing rules of forensic linguistic analysis, Dr. Ivanenko concluded. She specially stressed that criticism of individual government officials, such as a town mayor, has nothing to do with calls for overthrowing the existing state system.

 

Her conclusion changed the attitude toward the arrested editor drastically and resulted in his urgent release.

 

Personally, I think Uskov has fallen into disfavour because he stubbornly calls all citizens of Russia “Russians” and constantly appeals to their civic consciousness. Authorities get panicky reading his writings: these may cause people to start uniting in defending their human rights! The surest way to bridle a person like him is to label him “a nationalist”. But he is not alone in this semantic generalisation: each of us is a mix of four or five nationalities. Having grown up on Russian classics and the literary Russian language, we feel ethnically Russian. This means we are patriots. It is this self-identification that Uskov expresses through the “over-Russian” sentiments he is charged with. One may ask government officials: can a person be called “over-English”, “over-American”, “over-Norwegian”, or “over-German”? Who and why would want to denounce the national self-identity we have acquired in the melting pot of history? There are too many questions and no answers, with ever more criminal cases being opened…

 

 

2. Karelian authorities increase circulation of Karelian and Veps-language publications at expense of Finnish-language ones

 

By Anatoly Tsygankov,

GDF staff correspondent in North-Western Federal District

 

A total of six Finno-Ugric publications are released in Karelia, including a newspaper and a magazine in Finnish, two newspapers in Karelian dialects, one newspaper in the Veps language, and a children’s magazine in Finnish with insertions in Veps and Karelian. Each has a circulation of only 500-1,000 because of modest demand; all are financed from the republic’s budget.

 

Since last year, all the six publications have been involved in a restructuring process which has caused mixed feelings in the Finno-Ugric community. On the one hand, no one has anything against the Karelian and Veps newspapers growing thicker; on the other, by far not everyone agrees to that being done to the detriment of the Finnish-language newspaper Karjalan Sanomat and magazine Carelia. Doubling the number of pages (from 4 to 8) in the Karelian dialectal newspapers Oma Mua and Vienan Karjala, or the Veps newspaper Kodima would make everyone happy if accompanied by pay increases to their staffs. This, unfortunately, has not been done, resulting in some journalists quitting work. For example, Nikolai Abramov – not only a very good journalist but also the sole Veps poet with a brilliant knowledge of his native language – resigned as a Kodima staffer of his own free will.

 

Local Finns are particularly concerned over this encroachment on their language. Karelia’s Finnish community has shrunk considerably over the past twenty years because of people changing citizenship and moving to Finland to live permanently there; now the Finnish-language media space in Russia is shrinking, too. During his recent visit to Petrozavodsk for a meeting with Karelia’s head Andrei Nelidov, Finnish Foreign Minister Alexander Stubb, already aware of the language policy innovations in the republic, asked his counterpart to create favourable conditions for the Finnish language development in Karelia. While expressing readiness to work in that direction, Nelidov openly stated that developing the Karelian and Veps languages would nevertheless remain a priority.

 

The past 12-18 months have seen a trend toward broader use of the two indigenous languages – Karelian and Veps – accompanied by cautious pressure on Finnish. This practice has caused many Finnish-speaking intellectuals in Karelia to grumble discontentedly, although no big public debates on the matter have so far been heard.

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OUR PARTNERS

 

2011 Andrei Sakharov Competition “Journalism as an Act of Conscience”

 

The Jury continues accepting works submitted for the 2011 Andrei Sakharov Competition “Journalism as an Act of Conscience”. The submission deadline is November 1.

 

The Andrei Sakharov Award “For Journalism as an Act of Conscience” is conferred on Russian journalists for publications reflecting the authors’ active life stands consistently translated into their highly professional work, and for defending the values which Dr. Andrei D. Sakharov used to defend during his lifetime.

 

The materials submitted for the competition should have been published between October 15, 2010 and October 15, 2011 in Russian newspapers, magazines or almanacs, or posted on web portals registered as media outlets. Candidates for the award may be nominated by both editorial boards and individual Russian citizens.

 

All materials must be submitted in print or electronic format (on diskettes or CDs, or as e-mail messages sent to fond@gdf.ru or boris@gdf.ru). Print versions shall be mailed to: Glasnost Defense Foundation, 4, Zubovsky Boulevard, Office 432, 119992, Moscow, Russia, with a note: “Andrei Sakharov Competition ‘Journalism as an Act of Conscience’”.

 

Contact phone: (+7 495) 637 4947.

 

____________________________________________________________________________

 

This Digest has been prepared by the Glasnost Defence Foundation (GDF), http://www.gdf.ru.

 

We appreciate the support of the John D. & Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.

Digest released once a week, on Mondays, since August 11, 2000.
Distributed by e-mail to 1,600 subscribers in and outside Russia.

Editor-in-chief: Alexei Simonov

Editorial board: Boris Timoshenko – Monitoring Service chief, Pyotr Polonitsky – head of GDF regional network, Svetlana Zemskova – lawyer, Vsevolod Shelkhovskoy – translator, Alexander Yefremov – web administrator in charge of Digest distribution.

We would appreciate reference to our organisation in the event of any Digest-sourced information or other materials being used.

Contacts: Glasnost Defence Foundation, 4, Zubovsky Boulevard, Office 432, 119992 Moscow, Russia.
Telephone/fax: (495) 637-4947, 637-4420, e-mail: boris@gdf.ru, fond@gdf.ru

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Архив
ФЗГ продолжает бороться за свое честное имя. Пройдя все необходимые инстанции отечественного правосудия, Фонд обратился в Европейский суд. Для обращения понадобилось вкратце оценить все, что Фонд сделал за 25 лет своего существования. Вот что у нас получилось:
Полезная деятельность Фонда защиты гласности за 25 лет его жизни